Monday, August 30, 2021

Thoughts on the eve of the formal end of America's twenty-year Afghan war

This morning I listened to a thought-provoking discussion between Robert Wright and Ezra Klein about U.S. foreign entanglements. I highly recommend it. It takes about an hour.

Here are a few of my takeaways after a first listen (I should listen again):

  1. The American public doesn't pay ANY ATTENTION to any of the horrifying foreign interventions that the U.S. foreign policy establishment (or FPE; or "the blob", to use Wright's term) engineers every now and then in the name of the American people ... until American soldiers start to die in large numbers.
  2. From Vietnam onward, the U.S. has had a perfect record of massive failure and massive devastation wherever it has intervened. The sheer loss of life in places like Vietnam, Kampuchea, Iraq, and Afghanistan has been ENORMOUS.
  3. The suffering caused by economic sanctions -- in places like Cuba, Iran, North Korea, and Venezuela -- can go on for much longer because they don't lead to U.S. soldiers dying in large numbers. The FPE never attaches a falsifiable prediction to any economic sanctions proposal. The sanctions inflict pain on ordinary people. The promised transformations never materialize. The domestic governments invariably say to their people, "The U.S. sanctions are causing your misery."
  4. The people in the FPE have never been held accountable for their misjudgements, their horrendous policy advice, and their unwillingness to take responsibility for their mistakes. (McNamara was perhaps the only FPE person who expressed some contrition late in life.) So many lives have been lost all over the world but nobody in the FPE has been held accountable. (The Economist magazine trotted out Kissinger -- Kissinger! -- to attack Biden's botched withdrawal. Sure, people who make mistakes may still have something interesting to say. But why give them a forum until they accept their mistakes?)
  5. The U.S. needs to find a way, urgently, to hold accountable the people in the FPE who gave bad advice and never admitted error. (Similarly, the U.S. needs to find a way to hold accountable "experts" who gave bad, say, economic advice and never admitted error.) The media needs to shine a light on the advice these people gave and the toll that their advice took, especially in other countries. Without accountability the cycle will repeat (perhaps against rising China).
  6. Foreign policy interventions abroad should be subject to stringent time-bound empirical tests. (Deadlines are subject to the they'll-simply-wait-us-out criticism. But they are essential nonetheless. The alternative is an intervention that can never fail -- even if it never succeeds.)
  7. Except when proven small-scale interventions exist -- see #6 above -- the U.S. needs to learn to live with countries of all kinds. Cooperation -- even when it requires the use of nose clips -- is a must, in order to deal with global problems such as terrorism, climate change, pandemics, etc.

Saturday, August 28, 2021

New Paper on the expansion of Women's Inheritance Rights in India

Look at https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SL.TLF.CACT.FE.ZS?locations=IN-BD-LK-NP-PK. India's female labor force participation rate (LFPR) is shockingly low, even when compared with similar South Asian countries. Moreover, unlike those other countries, India's female LFPR has been decreasing steadily since 2005. Why?

A recent paper (https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jdeveco.2021.102714; an ungated pre-publication version is available at https://aalims.org%2Fwp-content%2Fuploads%2F2020%2F04%2FBahrami-Rad-Duman-Female_inheritance.pdf) argues that India's anomalous trend in female LFPR may be the result of the expansion of women's inheritance rights in 2005. The paper, although by an economist, depends heavily on ideas from anthropology. In male dominated (or, patrilineal) societies, a family does not want its land to be lost, via inheritance, to the family a daughter marries into. So, women are married off to their male cousins. And to decrease the chances of a daughter marrying a non-cousin, the daughter is pressured to not venture outside the home, say, for work.

The author uses what economists call a difference-in-difference empirical strategy to reveal the causal chain. The 2005 law expanding women's inheritance rights was an amendment to the Hindu Succession Act and did not affect non-Hindus. So, one can look at the differences in, say, cousin marriage rates or female LFPR between Hindus and non-Hindus both before the 2005 law and after (hence, difference-in-difference). If one calculates the numerical value of Hindu cousin marriage rate minus non-Hindu cousin marriage rate and sees that it increased in a statistically significant way after 2005 one can make a causal claim. Same if the numerical value of Hindu female LFPR minus non-Hindu female LFPR, decreases after 2005.

The author says women have equal inheritance rights in Islam and many Islamic countries are male dominated, which explains why cousin-marriage rates are high and female labor force participation rates are low in Islamic societies.

Of course all this is not an argument against equal inheritance rights for men and women. It only means that if the government expands women's rights in an otherwise unequal and unchanged society, women might find that the loosening of one kind of pressure can lead to the tightening of other kinds of pressure.

Another point is that the liberalization of land markets might help in such situations. With well-functioning labor markets, land becomes like any other asset. A family could buy back the land inherited by a daughter who is marrying a non-cousin. That way, the family she is marrying into could buy equivalent land elsewhere and the family she is marrying out of could keep its land holdings intact.

Monday, August 02, 2021

Notable: August 2021

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